Negated comparatives (no more than vs. not more than) have no more than two readings : Experimental evidence from Czech
| Autoři | |
|---|---|
| Rok publikování | 2017 |
| Druh | Další prezentace na konferencích |
| Fakulta / Pracoviště MU | |
| Citace | |
| Popis | I discuss the semantics interplay of negation and comparatives with respect to focus or scalar implicatures. The results are supported by a linguistic experiment. |
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